Berkeley CSUA MOTD:Entry 42276
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2024/11/23 [General] UID:1000 Activity:popular
11/23   

2006/3/16-18 [Politics/Foreign/MiddleEast/Iraq] UID:42276 Activity:nil
3/16    http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20060316/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq_air_assault
        We're launching major assaults and killing all the insurgents! We're
        winning the war on terror! Yee haw!!!                   -neo con troll
        \_ http://www.blackanthem.com/World/military_2006031411.html
           \_ "The Arab genious for failure could still spoil everything..."
              This sounds like "White man's Burden" again!
2024/11/23 [General] UID:1000 Activity:popular
11/23   

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news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20060316/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq_air_assault
AP US, Iraq Launch Massive Air Assault By STEVEN R HURST, Associated Press Writers Thu Mar 16, 6:21 PM ET BAGHDAD, Iraq - In a well-publicized show of force, US and Iraqi forces swept into the countryside north of the capital in 50 helicopters Thursday looking for insurgents in what the American military called its "largest air assault" in nearly three years. There was no bombing or firing from the air in the offensive northeast of Samarra, a town 60 miles north of Baghdad, the US military said. All 50 aircraft were helicopters -- Black Hawks, Apaches and Chinooks -- used to ferry in and provide cover for the 1,450 Iraqi and US troops. The military said the assault -- Operation Swarmer -- aimed to clear "a suspected insurgent operating area" and would continue over several days. Residents in the area of the assault reported a heavy US and Iraqi troop presence and said large explosions could be heard in the distance. American forces routinely blow up structures they suspect as insurgent safe-houses or weapons depots. It was not known if they met any resistance, but the military reported detaining 41 people. Lawmakers took the oath but did no business and adjourned after just 40 minutes, unable to agree on a speaker, let alone a prime minister. Still, the session marked a small step toward forming a unity government that the Bush administration hopes will calm the insurgency and enable it to begin withdrawing US troops. Operation Swarmer also came as the Bush administration was attempting to show critics at home and abroad that it is dealing effectively with Iraq's insurgency and increasingly sectarian violence. White House spokesman Scott McClellan denied it was tied to the new campaign to change war opinion. President Bush was briefed but did not specifically authorize the operation. The US military forces have been trying to build up the Iraqi army so that it can play a leading role in fighting the insurgents. The operation appeared concentrated near four villages -- Jillam, Mamlaha, Banat Hassan and Bukaddou -- about 20 miles north of Samarra. The settlements are near the highway leading from Samarra to the city of Adwar, scene of repeated insurgent roadblocks and ambushes. "Gunmen exist in this area, killing and kidnapping policemen, soldiers and civilians," said Waqas al-Juwanya, a spokesman for provincial government's joint coordination center in nearby Dowr. Barry Venable said the operation was the biggest air assault since April 22, 2003, when the 101st Airborne Division launched an operation against the northern city of Mosul from Iskandariyah, south of Baghdad. Many operations in Iraq since then -- in such cities as Fallujah, Ramadi and Najaf -- have included far more troops. But none has involved such a large force moved in by air. Some 650 US and 800 Iraqi troops were participating Thursday. The Pentagon said there were no reporters embedded with US troops, and it released video and a series of photos of preparations for the assault. The images showed soldiers receiving a preflight briefing from a UH-60 Blackhawk crew chief, soldiers and aircraft positioned on an airstrip, and helicopters taking off over a dusty landscape. John Abizaid, chief of the US Central Command, sought to downplay the uniqueness of the raid. "I wouldn't characterize this as being anything that's a big departure from normal or from the need to prosecute a target that we think was lucrative enough to commit this much force to go get," Abizaid said. In recent months US forces have routinely used helicopters to insert troops during operations against insurgent strongholds, especially in the Euphrates River valley between Baghdad and the Syrian border. Samarra, the largest city near the operation, was the site of a massive bombing against a Shiite shrine on Feb. It is a key city in Salahuddin province, a major part of the so-called Sunni triangle where insurgents have been active since shortly after the US-led invasion three years ago. Saddam Hussein was captured in the province, not far from its capital and his hometown, Tikrit. Wafiq al-Samaraei said the operation was targeting "a bunch of strange criminals who came from outside the country and among them a bunch of Iraqi criminals who help them." Iraq's interim foreign minister, Hoshyar Zebari, said the attack was necessary to prevent insurgents from forming a new stronghold such as they established in Fallujah, west of Baghdad, until they were flushed out by US forces at the end of 2004. "After Fallujah and some of the operations carried out successfully in the Euphrates and Syrian border, many of the insurgents moved to areas nearer to Baghdad," Zebari said on CNN. Hours after the assault began, Iraq's new parliament was sworn in behind the concrete blast walls of the heavily fortified Green Zone, with political factions still deadlocked over the next government and vehicles banned from Baghdad's streets to prevent car bombings. Adnan Pachachi, the senior politician who administered the oath in the absence of a parliament speaker, spoke of a country in crisis. "We have to prove to the world that a civil war is not and will not take place among our people," Pachachi told lawmakers. "The danger is still looming and the enemies are ready for us because they do not like to see a united, strong, stable Iraq." As he spoke, Pachachi was interrupted from the floor by senior Shiite leader Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, who said the remarks were political and inappropriate. Even the oath was a source of disagreement, with the head of the committee that drafted the country's new constitution, Humam Hammoudi, protesting that lawmakers had strayed from the text. After consultations, judicial officials agreed the wording was acceptable. Acting Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari told reporters after the brief session, "If politicians work seriously, we can have a government within a month." Army Soldiers of Company C, 3rd Battalion, 187th Infantry Regiment, 101st Airborne Division and Iraqi Army Soldiers from 4th Iraqi Army Division exit a CH-47 Chinook helicopter in support of Operation Swarmer in Samarra, Iraq, Thursday, March 16, 2006. US forces, joined by Iraqi troops, on Thursday launched the largest airborn assault in nearly three years, targeting insurgent strongholds north of the capital, the military said. The Operation Swarmer was aimed at clearing 'a suspected insurgent operating area' northeast of Samarra and was expected to continue over several days. The information contained in the AP News report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without the prior written authority of The Associated Press.
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www.blackanthem.com/World/military_2006031411.html
Ralph Peters is a retired US Army officer and the author of 20 books, including the recent New Glory: Expanding America's Global Supremacy. During a recent visit to Baghdad, I saw an enormous failure. The reality in the streets, day after day, bore little resemblance to the sensational claims of civil war and disaster in the headlines. No one with first-hand experience of Iraq would claim the country's in rosy condition, but the situation on the ground is considerably more promising than the American public has been led to believe. Lurid exaggerations and instant myths obscure real, if difficult, progress. I left Baghdad more optimistic than I was before this visit. While cynicism, political bias and the pressure of a 24/7 news cycle accelerate a race to the bottom in reporting, there are good reasons to be soberly hopeful about Iraq's future. The Arab genius for failure could still spoil everything. Still, it's difficult to understand how any first-hand observer could declare that Iraq's been irrevocably "lost." Consider just a few of the inaccuracies served up by the media: Claims of civil war. In the wake of the bombing of the Golden Mosque in Samarra, a flurry of sectarian attacks inspired wild media claims of a collapse into civil war. Driving and walking the streets of Baghdad, I found children playing and, in most neighborhoods, business as usual. Factional differences are real, but overblown in the reporting. After the Samarra bombing, only rogue militias and criminals responded to the demagogues' calls for vengeance. Iraqis refused to play along, staging an unrecognized triumph of passive resistance. On the contrary, foreign terrorists, such as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, have lost ground. Iraqis regard the foreigners as murderers, wreckers and blasphemers, and they want them gone. The Samarra attack may, indeed, have been a tipping point--against the terrorists. If anything surprised me in the streets of Baghdad, it was the surge in the popularity of US troops among both Shias and Sunnis. In one slum, amid friendly adult waves, children and teenagers cheered a US Army patrol as we passed. Instead of being viewed as occupiers, we're increasingly seen as impartial and well-intentioned. Instead, the past month saw a major milestone in the maturation of Iraq's military. During the mini-crisis that followed the Samarra bombing, the Iraqi army put over 100,000 soldiers into the country's streets. They defused budding confrontations and calmed the situation without killing a single civilian. And Iraqis were proud to have their own army protecting them. The Iraqi army's morale soared as a result of its success. The American goal was never to rebuild Iraq's infrastructure in its entirety. Meanwhile, slum-dwellers utterly neglected by Saddam Hussein's regime are getting running water and sewage systems for the first time. The Baathist regime left the country in a desolate state while Saddam built palaces. The condition of the electric grid under the old regime was appalling. Yet, despite insurgent attacks, the newly revamped system produced 5,300 megawatts last summer--a full thousand megawatts more than the peak under Saddam Hussein. Shortages continue because demand soared--newly free Iraqis went on a buying spree, filling their homes with air conditioners, appliances and the new national symbol, the satellite dish. Nonetheless, satellite photos taken during the hours of darkness show Baghdad as bright as Damascus. Plenty of serious problems remain in Iraq, from bloodthirsty terrorism to the unreliability of the police. The infrastructure lags generations behind the country's needs. Nonetheless, the real story of the civil-war-that-wasn't is one of the dog that didn't bark. After a day and a half of squabbling, the political factions returned to the negotiating table. Iraqis increasingly take responsibility for their own security, easing the burden on US forces. And the people of Iraq want peace, not a reign of terror. But the foreign media have become a destructive factor, extrapolating daily crises from minor incidents. The dangerous nature of journalism in Iraq has created a new phenomenon, the all-powerful local stringer. Unwilling to stray too far from secure facilities and their bodyguards, reporters rely heavily on Iraqi assistance in gathering news. And Iraqi stringers, some of whom have their own political agendas, long ago figured out that Americans prefer bad news to good news. The Iraqi leg-men earn blood money for unbalanced, often-hysterical claims, while the Journalism 101 rule of seeking confirmation from a second source has been discarded in the pathetic race for headlines. To enhance their own indispensability, Iraqi stringers exaggerate the danger to Western journalists (which is real enough, but need not paralyze a determined reporter). Dependence on the unverified reports of local hires has become the dirty secret of semi-celebrity journalism in Iraq as Western journalists succumb to a version of Stockholm Syndrome in which they convince themselves that their Iraqi sources and stringers are exceptions to every failing and foible in the Middle East. The mindset resembles the old colonialist conviction that, while other "boys" might lie and steal, our house-boy's a faithful servant. The result is that we're being told what Iraqi stringers know they can sell and what distant editors crave, not what's actually happening. While there are and have been any number of courageous, ethical journalists reporting from Iraq, others know little more of the reality of the streets than you do. They report what they are told by others, not what they have seen themselves. The result is a distorted, unfair and disheartening picture of a country struggling to rise above its miserable history.