Berkeley CSUA MOTD:Entry 49894
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2008/5/6-9 [Politics/Domestic/Election, Politics/Domestic/Crime] UID:49894 Activity:moderate 75%like:49913
5/6     Hey, Yoo lover: Yale denounces its own
        http://delong.typepad.com/sdj/2008/05/john-yoo-and-pr.html
        Thanks for the link, psb.
        \- er, so does berkeley
           http://delong.typepad.com/sdj/2008/05/the-torture-mem.html
        \_ It's always better when an entire school suffers from group-think,
           right?
           \_ You mean the hippie dippie liberal 'group think' that torture
              is wrong, makes us look like complete idiots to the world,
              and doesn't give us reliable intelligence?  Sign me up
              for group think then.
              \_ No I don't mean that.  It has nothing to do with agendas.  It
                 has to do with the OP talking about a school "deouncing their
                 own".  I'm saying a school is thousands of people.  They
                 don't all have to agree with each other on everything.
                 That's inane.
                 \_ Any turly educated person agrees with me.
                   \_ How tur.
                 \_ Right. Your interpretation would be retarded, and I couldn't think
                    of a better verb than "denounces." I can't imagine anything
                    closer to "Yale denounces its own" having meaning, than the dean
                    of the law school criticizing Yoo on legal, ethical and moral
                    grounds at a large, official gathering of that institution, such
                    as commencement, which is exactly what happened. -op
2025/05/24 [General] UID:1000 Activity:popular
5/24    

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delong.typepad.com/sdj/2008/05/john-yoo-and-pr.html
here is an element of moral agency in good lawyering.... When I as a lawyer exercise professional judgment, when I perform my professional responsibilities, I affirm the authority and extend the vitality of the norms that construct our professional situation sense... point those understandings in a either a just or an unjust direction.... wrote a legal memorandum which construed the law to permit the use of interrogation techniques that the US had for decades understood to be banned by the Geneva Convention. Because of the institutional stature and formal authority of the OLC within the Executive Branch; because of the function the memo was intended to play in resolving a debate among other governmental officials of immense authority; and because of the impact of 9-11 in provoking societal reconsideration of the relationship between civil liberties and national security, this Yale-trained lawyer did have every reason to believe that his memo, all on its own, would have a profound and shaping impact on the professional and cultural understandings that are our law. When asked by an appalled career military intelligence officer whether the memo meant the President could order torture, he answered, "Yes, but I'm not talking policy. The analysis reflected in the so-called Torture Memo did not, in fact, become part of our professional and cultural understandings, our situation sense. credit for that belongs to another individual lawyer, who as a 20-something also stood where you now are about a decade and a half ago.... In 2003 he took over as head of the Office of Legal Counsel. And to the shock of his patrons, he immediately issued a directive advising the military intelligence services that they couldn't rely on the so-called Torture Memo... at a time when high-ranking political appointees in the Justice Department and Pentagon were continuing to place decisive reliance on the Torture Memo. As a result, this lawyer had every reason to believe the Memo's understanding of the law would persist, and that it would pervade and shape the shared professional and cultural understandings of lawyers, unless he as a lawyer took responsibility for repudiating it. This lawyer, Jack Goldsmith, was ultimately pushed out of OLC.... actions, it's much less likely any of you ever will either. This was my last chance to teach you some law, Yale style. These were my final two slides: one bad lawyer, one good. What made the bad one bad wasn't that he knew "less law." It was that he, unlike the good lawyer, refused to take moral responsibility when he found himself in a position where his individual actions as a lawyer were likely to have a decisive role in shaping our profession's situation sense, and thus in shaping the law itself. Because you today are standing where these two lawyers stood, because you are standing where number members of Congress, Justices of the Supreme Court, and Presidents of the United States have all stood too, I feel petty certain that a number of you too will be in that position some day. If you are, how good a lawyer you are won't be determined by how many rules you've learned; My apology for not teaching you more "law" is that I thought it was much more urgent to try to teach you that. John Yoo and Professional Responsibility: Comments As critical as this is of John Yoo, it could have been stronger. And before I go too far in praise of Jack Goldsmith, I'd like to know in more detail just what the current policy is and how it's been applied. That's not meant to detract from Goldsmith, just to recognize the current state of our knowledge.
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FAX: 510-642-6615 May 6, 2008 Professor William Drummond Chair, Academic Senate, Berkeley Division Stephens Hall University of California Dear Professor Drummond: As we discussed this morning, I write this as a consequence of reading what Boalt Dean Chris Edley calls the "Torture Memo" of Professor John Yoo--which horrified me. I write to ask you to appoint a special committee to examine the matter of Professor John Yoo--the matter that Boalt Hall Dean Chris Edley has named "The Torture Memo and Academic Freedom"--the role played by John Yoo in the Bush administration's policy of subjecting to torture not high-ranking Al Qaeda members with information about ticking bombs but low-level prisoners irrespective of their guilt or innocence or of any information suggesting their guilt or innocence. I ask you to appoint to this special committee members of the faculty with expertise in moral philosophy, the role of the university, international relations, human rights, and constitutional law. I ask you to instruct this committee to write of a public report to the Academic Senate no later than this Labor Day, advising the Senate of the pros and cons of actions that the Academic Senate might or might not take in the matter of Professor John Yoo, including but not limited to: no action, as Professor Yoo's actions while on leave at the Office of Legal Counsel have been misrepresented in the press and on the internet, and he has been defamed. If you have not read John Yoo's recently-released "Torture Memo," and have not been as horrified and appalled as I am, I strongly urge you to read it in full. However, after reading the "Torture Memo" I found myself frozen, with no firm or settled judgment as to what appropriate action is in this context. Thus I want you to appoint a special committee to write a report because I am enough of a liberal and enough of an academic to believe that discussion of these issues will help. On the one side there are the claims of academic freedom, enunciated most strongly by our own medieval historian Ernst Kantorowicz just before his resignation from the faculty in protest. He said: There are three professions which are entitled to wear a gown: the judge, the priest, the scholar. This garment stands for its bearer's maturity of mind, his independence of judgment, and his direct responsibility to his conscience and his god. It signifies the inner sovereignty of those three interrelated professions: they should be the very last to allow themselves to act under duress and yield to pressure. It is a shameful and undignified action, it is an affront and a violation of both human sovereignty and professional dignity that the Regents of this university have dared to bully the bearer of this gown into a situation in which--under the pressure of bewildering economic coercion--he is compelled to give up either his tenure or, together with his freedom of judgment, his human dignity and responsible sovereignty as a scholar... In Professor Kantorowicz's view, a Berkeley faculty member should be allowed to state whatever his or her judgment leads him to state--even if it is that the government of the United States should be overthrown by force and violence--and that no pressure or threats of any kind should be applied to discourage him from saying what he or she decides to say. On the other side there are at least four interrelated considerations. The first consideration is that Professor Yoo is professor at a professional school, Boalt Hall, and thus must teach and model professional behavior that will be expected of his students as lawyers. Professor Yoo failed in his Torture Memo to make any reference to the Korean War case of Youngstown, an essential part of any good-faith contemporary analysis of the war powers of the executive branch. This failure to analyze and other deficiencies in the memorandum make it, I have been told, a serious breach of professional ethics--misconduct in failing to fulfill his professional duty to provide his clients with a complete and truthful statement of the law. Writing legal arguments that ignore (not find some way to distinguish, but flatly ignore) controlling precedent is misconduct. Students learning to be lawyers need to be protected from coming to believe that it is an acceptable part of lawyering. The second consideration is that the work product for others outside the university performed by faculty who teach at professional schools plays a role analogous to that of academic research in other branches of the university. I am informed by some that the argumentative omissions and misrepresentations in the Torture Memo and in other work by John Yoo for the Office of Legal Counsel amount to misconduct that rises to a level equivalent to that of falsifying evidence in a scholarly work. As one attorney observed, "while outside legal work isn't formally scholarship, it has its own ethical obligations." close enough to a failure to abide by the standards of the scholarly profession that it can be treated as an equivalent level of scholarly misconduct." The third consideration is that some claim that Professor Yoo was not just an advisor, informing those whom Boalt Dean Chris Edley calls the "deciders"--George W Bush, Richard Cheney, George Tenet, and Donald Rumsfeld--his view of what the law was. The decision had already been made to torture detainees of unknown but probably low value who there was no reason to think had any knowledge of any possible "ticking bomb." Attorneys at the CIA and the Department of Defense were protesting that this policy of routine torture was illegal: contrary to US and international law and treaty, and exposed them to potential criminal sanctions. Professor Yoo was asked not to provide an opinion but to write a document to override objections to an already settled-upon course of action, making wrongful use of the opinion-issuing power the Attorney General possesses within the executive branch to silence lawyers who had correctly evaluated the legal framework--and so cramdown the torture policy by issuing what was essentially a "get out of jail free" card in the guise of an OLC opinion. I am informed that the standard, under treaties that are the law of the land in the US, is that an act of legal advice that materially contributes to the perpetration of acts of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment is a criminal act if the actors were at minimum reckless as to the consequences of their advice: it is necessary only that the actors have accepted that their conduct could possibly and forseeably lead to the commission of a crime, not that they have known the exact crime that was contemplated and was to be committed. The fourth consideration is that it is a key part of our society that our lawyers in the common-law tradition have no association with torture--that it is part of their professional identity to know nothing of the rack, the thumbscrew, the strappado, induced hypothermia, and the water torture. A rack had been set up in the Tower of London by the Duke of Exeter under Henry IV, and had been used by Queen Elizabeth to torture Jesuits, and by King James I to torture conspirators in the aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot--a true ticking bomb. But, William Blackstone proudly stated, this rack had always been "an engine of state, and not of law." Some inform me that John Yoo's role in making the strappado and the water torture--which Bush administration members of the twenty-first century speak of in euphemisms as "severe interrogation methods," just as the Elizabethans of the sixteenth century would speak of taking prisoners to embrace "the Duke of Exeter's daughter"--routine bureaucratic policy is enough of a breach of professional ethics to make him unsuited to teach in a law school. I have no special expertise in moral philosophy, professional ethics, the role of the university, international relations, human rights, or constitutional law. But I do know that these are vitally important issues--and I firmly believe that Berkeley as an institution does itself no good service if it does not publicly address the matter of John Yoo, and does not face us wit...