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| 5/23 |
| 2008/8/22-31 [Politics/Domestic/President/Bush] UID:50941 Activity:nil |
8/22 Non-MSM article on the conflict in Georgia. Other than Bush
ordering the invasion of Somalia (what?) -- I found it interesting:
http://tinyurl.com/5ag5jn
\_ Bush did order the invasion of Somalia - the first Bush:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Restore_Hope
\_ I didn't get very far because it starts off with a couple of
baseless assumptions. Whenever one of the US allies does something
stupid, I always hear how the US govt. "had to have known." BS.
They're our allies, not our territories. It's just like the
accusation that the Carter administration "had to have known" about
Chun Doo-hyun's plans about the Gwangju Massacre.
http://csua.org/u/m5s Sorry no, histroical documnents show
pretty conclusively he didn't have a dang clue, and I doubt Bush
did either. People can do stupid things just fine w/o Bush.
\_ Condoleezza Rice was in Georgia 3 weeks before everything started!
You think that's a coincidence?
\_ Condoleezza Rice was in Georgia 3 weeks before everything
started! You think that's a coincidence?
\_ The Georgie Russia war + Rice thing is hilarious since Rice
has a PHD in international relations, specifically former
USSR + foreign relations. Maybe Stanford could give her a
slight tuition refund since she obvs didnt learn a
goddamn thing
\_ Dan Rather was in Dallas when JFK was shot, obviously Dan
Rather shot JFK!
\_ Dan Rather isn't the secretary of state -- mega duhs
\_ Correlation is not causation -- giga duhs
\_ Let me check if the Sec. of state was in Dallas...
\_ Also, it doesn't have to be a coincidence for her to be
ignorant. Hawks in Georgia may have argued something like:
"Rice was just here! We can't tell them, but obviously the
US will back us up if things go south!"
\_ Dan Rather was in Washington when Watergate happened. Dan
Rather was in Vietnam when we lost the war. I am starting
to see a pattern here... |
| 5/23 |
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| tinyurl.com/5ag5jn -> www.lewrockwell.com/margolis/margolis120.html DIGG THIS The Bush administration appears to have pulled off its latest military fiasco in the Caucasus. What was supposed to have been a swift and painless takeover of rebellious South Ossetia by Americas favorite new ally, Georgia, has turned into a disaster that left Georgia battered, Russia enraged, and NATO badly demoralized. Equally important, Russias Vladimir Putin swiftly and decisively checkmated the Bush administrations clumsy attempt last week to expand US influence into the Caucasus, and made the Americans and their Georgian satraps look like fools. But the current US-Russian crisis over Georgia, a tiny nation of only 46 million, and its linkage to a US anti-ballistic missile system in Eastern Europe, is deeply worrying and increasingly dangerous. On 7 August, Georgias president, Mikheil Saakashvili, ordered his US and Israeli-advised and equipped army to invade the breakaway region of South Ossetia, which has been struggling for independence from Georgia since 1992. Most of its people were Russian citizens who wanted union with Russian North Ossetia. If not directly behind Georgias invasion of South Ossetia, Washington had to have been at least fully aware of Saakashvilis plans. The Georgian Army was trained and equipped by US and Israeli military advisors stationed with its troops down to battalion level. CIA and Israels Mossad operated important intelligence stations in Tbilisi and coordinated plans with Saakashvili, whose political opponents have long accused him of being very close to CIA and the Pentagon. Georgias attack on South Ossetia was launched while the world was absorbed by the Beijing Olympics, and Prime Minister Putin was in the Chinese capital. The attack was clearly planned to be a lightening strike that would occupy all of South Ossetia and then Abkhazia before Moscow could react, presenting the Kremlin with a fait accompli. Who in Bushs or Cheneys office approved this stupid adventure? Why did the very smart Israelis get sucked into this imbroglio? Saakashvilis stealth "coup de main" quickly turned into a disaster. Russias 58^th Army responded by routing Georgian forces and delivering a humiliating strategic and psychological blow to the Bush administration. Georgia and Russia have been feuding since 1992 over two Georgian ethnic enclaves, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, whose people differ in ethnicity and language from Georgians and who wanted to rejoin Russia. The young, US-educated Saakashvili became Georgias president in 2003 after an uprising, believed organized by CIA and financed by US money, overthrew the former leader, Eduard Shevardnadze. I came to know and respect Shevardnadze in Moscow when he was Mikhail Gorbachevs principal ally and architect of Soviet reform. Had the able, clever Shevardnadze still been in power, this misadventure would never have happened. Saakashvili quickly became the golden boy of US rightwing neoconservatives and their Israeli allies, who held him a model of how to turn former Russian-dominated states into "democratic" US allies. Georgian critics claim Saakashvili kept power by intimidation, bribery, and vote rigging. The youthful Georgian leader, his head swelled by promises of US support and NATO membership, launched a war of words against Moscow. Amazingly, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, a supposed Russian expert, even publicly assured Saakashvili that the US would "fight" for Georgia. US money, military trainers, advisers, and intelligence agents poured into the former Soviet Republic of Georgia. Israeli arms dealers, businessmen and intelligence agents quickly followed, reportedly selling some $200 million or more of military equipment to the Georgian government. By expanding its influence into Georgia, the Bush administration brazenly flouted agreements with Moscow made by president George HW Bush not to expand NATO into the former USSR. President Bill Clinton and George W Bush both violated this pact. Under the feeble Yeltsin regime, bankrupt Russia could do nothing. But under Putin, newly wealthy Russia finally pushed back after a long series of provocations fromWashington. Russias tough deputy prime minister, Sergei Ivanov, sneeringly observed that Georgia had become a "US satellite." And Ivanov, a former KGB colleague of Vlad Putin, knows a satellite when he sees one. Georgia provided the US oil and gas pipeline routes from Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan that bypassed Russian territory. Russia was furious its Caspian Basin energy export monopoly had been broken, vowing revenge. Now that the Russians have checkmated the US and client Georgia, South Ossetia and Abkhazia will likely move into Russias orbit. The west rightly backed independence of Kosovo from Serbia. The peoples of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, who are ethnically and linguistically different from Georgians, should have as much right to secede from Georgia. Besides thwarting Bushs clumsy attempt to further advance US influence into Russias Caucasian underbelly, Putin delivered a stark warning to Ukraine and the Central Asian states: dont get too close to Washington. Putin put the US on the strategic defensive and showed that NATOs new eastern reaches the Baltic, Bulgaria, Romania, and the Caucasus are largely indefensible. Its a good thing Georgia was not admitted to NATO, as the White House had reportedly promised Saakashvili. Had Georgia been admitted before this crisis, the US and its NATO allies would have been in a state of war with Russia. Disturbingly, Germanys conservative prime minister, Angelika Merkel, rushed to Tbilisi to assure Saakashvili that her nation still backed NATO membership for Georgia. Is the west really ready to be dragged into a potential nuclear war for the sake of South Ossetia? Are American and German troops ready to fight in the Caucasus? John McCain all resorted to table pounding and Cold War rhetoric against Russia. McCain, whose senior foreign policy advisor is a neoconservative and was a registered lobbyist for Georgia, demanded that the US and NATO "punish" Russia and put it into diplomatic isolation. Unfortunately, the indignant John McCains could not even properly pronounce "Abkhazia." Americas neocon amen chorus demanded a confrontation with Russia, chanting their usual mantras about Munich, appeasement and the myths of World War II. One certainly wondered if the Caucasian fracas was not staged by the Republicans to provide Sen. McCain with the "three am phone call" he has been longing for and a chance to sound tough. This he did, even though his rhetoric was empty and his solutions vapid. Barack Obama ducked the issue or issued a few tepid bromides about halting "Russian aggression." Bush, who ordered the invasion of Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia, and is threatening war against Iran, accused Russia of "bullying" and "aggression." Putin, who crushed the life out of Chechnyas independence movement, piously claimed his army was saving Ossetians from Georgian ethnic cleansing and protecting their quest for independence. The humiliated Bush is sending some US troops to Georgia to deliver "humanitarian" aid. Equally worrisome, the US rushed to sign a pact with Warsaw to station anti-missile missiles and anti-aircraft batteries, manned by US troops, in Poland. This response is dangerous, highly provocative, and immature. The west must accept Russia has vital national interests in the Caucasus and the former USSR. The days of treating Russia like a banana republic are over. Have we learned nothing from World War I or II, both of which began with flare-ups in obscure Sarajevo and the Danzig Corridor? The USs most important foreign policy concern is keeping correct relations with Russia, which has thousands of nuclear warheads pointed at North America. US missiles in Poland and radars in the Czech Republic are a dangerous, unnecessary provocation that is sowing dragons teeth for future confrontation. |
| en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Restore_Hope Over the final quarter of 1992, the situation in Somalia continued to worsen. Factions in Somalia were splintering into smaller factions and splintering again. Agreements for food distribution with one party were worthless when the stores had to be shipped through the territory of another. Some elements were actively opposing the UNOSOM intervention. Significantly, this invocation of Chapter VII waived the need for consent on the part of the state of Somalia; effectively the first time the UN Secretariat had endorsed such an act. However, Boutros-Ghali felt that such action would be difficult to apply under the mandate for UNOSOM. Moreover, he realised that solving Somalia's problems would require such a large deployment that the UN Secretariat did not have the skills to command and control it. Accordingly, he recommended that a large intervention force be constituted under the command of member states but authorised by the SC to carry out operations in Somalia. Resolution 794, authorising the use of "all necessary means to establish as soon as possible a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia". United States had approached the UN and offered a significant troop contribution to Somalia, with the caveat that these personnel would not be commanded by the UN. edit Composition of UNITAF The vast bulk of UNITAF's total personnel strength was provided by the United States (Some 25,000 out of a total of 37,000 personnel). US Central Command, however, the relationship between CentCom and the contributing nations varied. There were a few diplomatic and command confrontations over the methods and mandates employed by some contingents. The MEUSOC's ground combat element, Battalion Landing Team (BLT) 2/9, performed simultaneous raids on the Port of Mogadishu and Mogadishu International Airport, establishing a foothold for additional incoming troops. Operation Continue Hope provided support of UNOSOM II to establish a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations by providing personnel, logistical, communications, intelligence support, a quick reaction force, and other elements as required. Over 60 Army aircraft and approximately 1,000 aviation personnel operated in Somalia from 1992 to 1994. edit The transition of UNITAF UNITAF was only intended as a transitional body. Once a secure environment had been restored, the suspended UNOSOM mission would be revived, albeit in a much more robust form. UNOSOM II would therefore seek to complete the task begun by UNITAF for the restoration of peace and stability in Somalia. The new mandate would also empower UNOSOM II to assist the Somali people in rebuilding their economic, political and social life, through achieving national reconciliation so as to recreate a democratic Somali State. |
| csua.org/u/m5s -> en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gwangju_Democratization_Movement Chun Doo-hwan's military dictatorship and took control of the city. During the later phase of the uprising, citizens took on arms to defend themselves, but were crushed by the South Korean army. It is simply called 518 by South Koreans to avoid politicizing the event. But after civil rule was reinstated, the incident received recognition as an effort to restore democracy from military rule. The government made a formal apology for the incident, and a national cemetery was established for the victims. The nation's democratization movements, which had been suppressed during Park's tenure, were again awakening. With the beginning of a new semester in March 1980, professors and students expelled for pro-democracy activities returned to their universities, and new student unions were formed. In response, the government took several suppressive measures. On May 17, the Cabinet decided to expand martial law to the whole nation, which had previously not applied to Jeju-do. The expanded martial law included prohibition of political rallies and strikes, press censorship, and closure of universities. To enforce the martial law, troops were dispatched to various parts of the nation. On the same day, police raided a conference of student union leaders from 55 universities nationwide, who were gathered to discuss their next moves in the wake of the May 15 demonstration. Paratroopers soon followed and again clashed with demonstrators. Witnesses say soldiers clubbed both demonstrators and onlookers. The first known fatality was a 29-year-old deaf man named Kim Gyeong-cheol, who never participated in the protest but was clubbed to death on May 18 while passing by the scene. Some testimonies and photographs even suggest the use of bayonets. As citizens were infuriated by the violence, the number of protesters rapidly increased and exceeded 100,000 by May 20. It was inevitable that casualties would occur in the military and police during the conflict with civilian demonstrators. As the conflict escalated, the army suddenly began to use gunfire, killing unknown numbers of citizens instantly near Gwangju Station on May 20th. On the night of May 20, hundreds of taxis led a large parade of buses, large trucks and cars toward the Provincial Office to meet the protest. As the drivers drove in the demonstration, the troops used tear gas, pulled them out of the cars and beat them. These "drivers of democracy" showed up to support the citizens and the demonstration because of troop brutality witnessed earlier in the day, as well as out of anger after many taxi drivers were assaulted when trying to assist the injured and while taking people to the hospital. Some were even shot after the drivers attempted to use the vehicles to block soldiers or as weapons. carbines taken from armories and police stations in nearby towns for their own defense. Later that afternoon, bloody gunfights between civilian militias and the army broke out in the Provincial Office Square. By 5:30 pm, militias had acquired two light machine guns and used them against the army, which began to retreat from the downtown area. edit Blockade of Gwangju, and further atrocities At this point, all troops retreated to suburban areas, waiting for reinforcements. During this period the army blocked all routes and communications leading into and out of the city. Even though there was a lull in fighting between militias and the army, more casualties were incurred when soldiers fired at a passing bus in Jiwon-dong, killing 17 of the 18 passengers on May 23. The following day soldiers fired at boys swimming in Wonje reservoir and killed one of them. Later that day the army suffered its heaviest casualties, when troops mistakenly fired at each other in Songam-dong. edit Settlement Committees Meanwhile, in the "liberated" city of Gwangju, the Citizens' Settlement Committee and the Students' Settlement Committee were formed. The former was composed of about 20 preachers, lawyers and professors. They negotiated with the army demanding the release of arrested citizens, compensation for victims and prohibition of retaliation in exchange for disarmament of militias. The latter was formed by university students, and took charge of funerals, public campaigns, traffic control, withdrawal of weapons, and medical aid. The city's order was well maintained, but negotiations came to a deadlock as the army urged the militias to immediately disarm themselves. This issue caused division within the Settlement Committees; doves wanted immediate surrender, while hawks called for continued resistance until their demands were met. After heated debates, eventually the hawks took control. While protests ended peacefully in most regions, in Haenam there were gunfights between armed protesters and troops. By May 24, most of these protests had died down, except for Mokpo where protests continued until May 28. edit May 26 By May 26, the army was ready to reenter the city. Members of the Citizens' Settlement Committee unsuccessfully tried to block the army's advance by lying down on the street. As the news of the imminent attack spread, civil militias gathered in the Provincial Office, preparing for the last stand. Mangwol-dong cemetery in Gwangju where victims' bodies were buried Mangwol-dong cemetery in Gwangju where victims' bodies were buried There is no exact death toll of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising. "Official" figures released by the Martial Law Command put the death toll at 144 civilians, 22 troops and 4 police killed, with 127 civilians, 109 troops and 144 police wounded. According to the 2007 Korean movie May 18 (Hwaryeohan hyuga), directed by Kim Ji-hun, "the incident resulted in 207 deaths, 2,392 wounded, and 987 missing people, but the exact number of casualties has been subject to considerable dispute. Members of the military government were indicted with rebellion but the culprit of ordering open fire against the citizens has yet to be identified". edit Aftermath The government denounced the uprising as a rebellion instigated by Kim Dae-jung and his followers. In subsequent trials, Kim was convicted and sentenced to death, although his punishment was later reduced in response to international outcries. Overall 1394 people were arrested for some involvement in the Gwangju incident and 427 were indicted. Among them, 7 received death sentences and 12 received life sentences. The Gwangju Democratization Movement had a profound impact on South Korean politics and history. Chun Doo-hwan suffered popularity problems because he took power through a military coup, but after authorizing the dispatch of Special Forces upon citizens, his legitimacy was significantly damaged. The United States was previously seen as a liberator and protector, but the Gwangju Democratization Movement changed the image of the US because it was assumed the United States knew ahead of time about the dispatch of special troops and sat idly as civilians were killed. The American image was further damaged when the US continued to support Chun Doo-hwan through the 1980s. However, the movement also paved the way for later movements in the 1980s that eventually brought democracy to South Korea. The Gwangju Democratization Movement has become a symbol of South Koreans' struggle against authoritarian regimes and their fight for democracy. edit Reevaluation At the Mangwol-dong cemetery in Gwangju where victims' bodies were buried, survivors of the massacre and bereaved families have held an annual memorial service on May 18 every year since 1983. Many pro-democracy demonstrations in the 1980s demanded official recognition of the truth of the Gwangju massacre and punishment for those responsible. Official reevaluation began after the reinstatement of direct presidential elections in 1987. National Assembly held a public hearing on the Gwangju massacre, and officially renamed the incident as the Gwangju Democratization Movement. In 1995, as public pressure mounted, the National Assembly passed the Special Law on May 18 Democratization Movement, which enabled prosecution of those responsible for the December 12 coup d'etat and Gwangju massacre despite the fact that t... |