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pre-2002 We're talking about a part of the world in which, uhh, you know, our fore ign policy was, let's just hope for the best and tolerate the fact there's no free societies. And -- what ended up happening was, there was a -- tyrants have emerged, tyrants that threatened our security. And so not only was the action worth it, the action is worth it to make sure that democracy exists, and, uhh, because democracies will yield peace, and that's what we want.
I repeat, personal accounts do not permanently fix the solution. They mak e the solution more attractive for the individual worker. And that's important for people for understand, John, and that's why it's very important for Congress to discuss this issue. What that means is if you're the Methodist church and you sponsor an alcohol treatment center, they can't say only Methodists, only Methodists who drink too much can come to our program. We just started the diplomatic efforts, and I wanna tha nk -- uhh, our friends for taking the lead and I -- we will work with them, to convince the moolahs that they need to give up their nukyular ambitions.
DUBYA: Because the -- all which is on the table begins to address the big cost drivers. For example, how benefits are calculated, for example, is on the table. Whether or not benefits rise based upon wage increases or price increases. There's a series of parts of the formula that are being considered. And when you couple that, those different cost drivers, affecting those -- changing those with personal accounts, the idea is to get what has been promised more likely to be -- or closer delivered to what has been promised. Look, there's a series of things that cause the -- like, for example, benefits are calculated based upon the increase of wages, as opposed to the increase of prices. Some have suggested that we calculate -- the benefits will rise based upon inflation, as opposed to wage increases. There is a reform that would help solve the red if that were put into effect. In other words, how fast benefits grow, how fast the promised benefits grow, if those -- if that growth is affected, it will help on the red. I n other words, they collect X amount of payroll taxes, but because baby boomers like me are living longer and have been promised greater benefits, we're $200 billion short that year -- that year. And it goes into the red -- that means negative, that means losing money -- quite dramatically. In the year 2027, it will be $200 billion in the red -- $200 billion for one year alone. On e, you can't take your money that you set aside in the personal account and go to the race track. Secondly, you can't pull it all out when it comes time to your -- you can't take it all and then go to the track. I remember in the debates, somebody asked me about Europe.
Arafat for the four years I was president -- obviously, prior to his death. Scott has been -- DUBYA: We don't want to be editorializing, at least in the questions. WASHINGTON POST: You used partial privatization yourself last year, sir.
WASHINGTON POST: Mike said it was right around the election. I suspect given my nature, I'll want to be -- the White House will be very much involved with -- I have an obligation to lead on this issue -- I think this will be an administrative-driven idea -- to take it on. And therefore, that that be the case, I have the responsibility to provide the political cover necessary for members, I have the responsibility to make the case if there is a problem, and I have the responsibility to lay out potential solutions. Now, to the specificity of which, we'll find out -- you'll find out with time.
Well, first of all, we spend about $80 billion on asbestos litigation, and that could end up being $200 billion over time. Secondly, these asbestos suits have bankrupted a lot of companies, and that affects the workers here in Michigan and around the country. Thirdly, those with no major medal impairment now make up the vast majority of claims, while those who are truly sick are denied their day in court.
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